RESEARCH ARTICLES
The reign of Peter I paradoxically combined both the apogee of the might of the old patrimonial state and the accelerated westernization of the country. The article briefly analyzes some of the factors that strengthened the state patrimonial system: the consequences of the decree on the Unified Heritage of 1714 and the expansion of serfdom due to the appearance of new categories of serfs.
To a greater extent, the article is devoted to the study of accelerated Westernization in Russia under Peter the Great. It resulted in the curtailment of the patrimonial way of life in Russia.
The article focuses on the emergence of a new worldview doctrine. It considers various forms through which the formation of new understandings of social structures, culture, system of power and life in general took place. Such new practices as uttering panegyrics in honor of the monarch and his policies, public celebration of military victories (the organization of the so-called «Triumphs») and the church reforms greatly contributed to the formation of the new worldview. One of the vivid figures exemplifying it was Theophan Prokopovich.
In the first quarter of the 18th century westernization came to Russia directly from Western Europe. It removed all barriers to direct communication between Russians and foreigners, discredited the old ecclesiastical postulate that all Western Christians were “heretics”, paved the way for the beginning of internal modernization as well as for the tragic fate of the socio-cultural split in Russia between the upper educated social strata and the bulk of the Russian population that remained in the Middle Ages.
The purpose of the article is to conceptualize economic sanctions in terms of international power politics. Legal and economic literature study sanctions by means of legal norms analysis and their impact on economies, companies and corporations. However, this approach misses a political component, specially the one of coercion to comply with international norms or requirements of sanctions’ initiators. Usually sanctions are an instrument of economically advanced states vis a vis developing countries with fragile or vulnerable economy. The very essence of sanctions is determined by the asymmetry of international system in terms of economic capabilities. Such an asymmetry fuels a debate between those who consider sanctions as an effective and legitimate instrument (US, EU and other developed states) and those who believe that only the UN Security Council can be a legal source of sanctions, while others are illegal (supported by Russia, China and several dozens of developing countries). This debate reflects a cleavage on a more fundamental problem – the one of sovereignty and the right to interfere into sovereign affairs of states. Recognition of sanctions’ legitimacy would mean the recognition of the right to interfere into sovereign affairs of the target-states beyond the UN Charter. The article provides a reflection of this debate, stressing on different interpretations of the concept of sanctions.
The article makes a distinction between the concept of sanctions and the concept of trade wars. Such disengagement is critically important for understanding sanctions as a political concept. If trade wars are conducted to maximize profits, economic sanctions are used to achieve political goals. This determines the fundamental difference in the relations between business and government: in the case of trade wars, business is the main lobbyist for decisions of state bodies, in case of sanctions, the government is the initiator, and business is forced to adapt to the current situation. In the first case, business acts as a subject, in the second - as an object.
The article shows that the validity of scientific knowledge being trustworthy is extremely important for ensuring national security. At the same time, there are objective and subjective factors that undermine confidence in it. Among the ob-jective factors is the formation of a reflexive socio-natural reality that acquires a non-linear character of development that, accordingly, implies the formation, of non-linear knowledge based on the transition from the traditional revealing of rigid correlations between facts and phenomena to a theoretical and methodo-logical instruments that can take into account many uncertainties that are manifested in the form of social disruptions, cultural traumas, unintended conse-quences of the innovation human activity. In essence, the instruments for the for-mation of non-linear knowledge is only being created, therefore, “approved, es-tablished” knowledge sometimes comes to the normative documents devoted to Russia’s security, but related to previously existing realities and other time creat-ing problems for the scientific forecast of the development of international and military-political relations. If the results of the natural sciences are absolutized and counterposed to the social and human sciences, as well as interdisciplinarity, this also makes the final knowledge vulnerable.
Subjective factors significantly affect the validity of scientific knowledge. The researchers are inevitably influenced by the features of civilization and culture in which they live and work, the experience of socialization and self-socialization. But the greatest damage to the validity of knowledge is inflicted when national interests are replaced by group interests, especially personal interests of scien-tists.
These complicating realities demanded a transition from unconditional trust to scientific knowledge to reflexive trust, the concept of which is proposed: this type of trust is based on risk as a certain degree of confidence in the adequacy of the involved theoretical and methodological instruments; as scientific as well as social rationality is considered; a critical test of any theory is assumed; there tak-en into account the factor of staged trust that is spreading in virtual reality; in the validity of knowledge the criterion of its humanistic component is introduced.
During the acute phase of the migration crisis (2014–2015) in a large number of European Union states, policies restricting internal borders and the strengthening of external borders took place, which raised serious questions about the future of the European Union’s borders. Ever since the emergence of supranational structures, freedom of movement, capital, goods, services and labor has all been the principal focus points of the EU countries cooperation. The uncertain nature and complexlexity regarding migration issues, strengthening of Eurosceptic sentiments in certain EU countries, the commitment to population in certain member states, the EU’s future and its main achievements (including such issues as freedom of borders, which is still under threat of illegal migration and criminal-terrorist elements) remain a big question.
The authors of the article aim to evaluate the current state and threats to open borders of the European Union using analysis of common European identity. One of its elements includes the population’s attitude to issues such as the mobility and freedom of borders and their relation with national identity on the example of different EU countries, which consistently support and/or criticize the existing supranational model.
In the first part of the article, the author discuss’ the main causes for why the EU borders at present have grown so important. Also, their correlation to the task of strengthening solidarity and trust throughout the EU, by overcoming a common European identity crisis.
In the second part of the article the process of forming a common European identity and the reflection of this concept in the basic documents of the EU are presented retrospectively. In the third part the place of migration and its relation to the problem of borders in national and European identities through the example of EU member-states is illustrated by the example of countries whose population is both European oriented and by Eurosceptic states. In the final section conclusions are drawn regarding the importance of «open borders» for the EU in medium and long term outlook.
The Albanian factor of the Balkan policy, which received its first institutional design in the late 19th century – “Prizrenskaya League”, is currently a serious destructor of the situation in the Western Balkans (Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), Macedonia, Serbia, Montenegro and partially recognized Kosovo).
On the basis of historical, demographic, cultural, religious and political facts the article explores the nature of Albanian irredentism and provides a substantiation of the possibility of implementing the scenario of “Albanization”, the development of which can proceed in two directions. In the first case the question is of creating a pan-Albanian (con)federative polity under the provisional name of “Great Albania” in the territories of Albania, Kosovo, western Macedonia (Republic of Ilirida), south-eastern Montenegro (Malesia) and north-western Greece (Chameria). In the second case the question is of the unification of the territories of Albanian residence through the association of Islamic provinces of the countries of the region. Special role in the implementation of the scenario is played by the structures of international terrorism which regard Kosovo as one of the central training zones for militants. Substantiation of the probability of the development and implementation of the scenario is given in four key parameters, including political, economic, military and cultural and religious spheres.
Among the main actors of the scenario the author singles out the armed forces of Kosovo, Albanian paramilitary formations on the territory of western Macedonia, transnational corporations, private military companies, as well as the United States, Britain, Turkey and the Arab monarchies who support the project politically and financially.
The article concludes that there is a need for an objective political assessment of the situation in the region, an analysis of security threats and risks of another round of destabilization of the Western Balkans. It has not only scientific but also practical implications for the formation of the Russian foreign policy agenda.
International and foreign economic relations of the subordinate entities of the Federation are an important factor of the socio-economic development of the regions. While being implemented in the mainstream of a state foreign policy, they contribute to strengthening the relations of friendship and cooperation between Russia and foreign countries.
Foreign representations of regions are widely used to promote international interests of subnational actors. Contribution of foreign representations to the development of external relations is analyzed in numerous articles on paradiplomacy. Among the most studied issues are motivation the opening of foreign missions, political and legal conditions of their activities. However, up to the present there was no analytical models for assessing the effectiveness of foreign missions and improvement their activities.
Two mutually reinforcing approaches to solving the problem of increasing the efficiency of representative offices are suggested. First one is further development of indicative management and the second one is an adapted method of multi-criteria evaluation, which is used in the decision analysis. Both proposed approaches use performance indicators focused on the evaluation the variety of projects implemented by regional representations.
Indicators and other content components of the described methods are specified using the experience of foreign representations of the Republic of Tatarstan. The proposed approach can be easily modified for representations of the other subordinate entities of the Russian Federation, which, despite of the diversity of organizational forms of activities, work in a common political and legal environment and solve problems of similar content.
Stimulating effect is one of the main advantages of using target indicators. They are helpful in orienting missions to priority areas of cooperation. The method based on the multi-criteria rating of the representative offices’ activity focuses on the general assessment of their work. It is easy to use and gives measurable results.
The proposed methods are of an applied nature and can be recommended to government bodies coordinating foreign representations of the regions.
The paper is devoted to the problem of asymmetrical international interaction of sub-state actors. It touches upon the erosion of Westphalian sovereignty at present time. This problem is under discussion in conjunction with the evolution of federalism. Author attempts to clarify the relation of international activity of world politics sub-state actors and type of interaction between central and regional levels of government. For this purpose the article presents the analysis of the cooperation between the Republic of Komi (part of Russian Federation) and the Republic of Hungary in the first half of the 1990s. In addition author focuses on the role of international relations of sub-state actors in the democratic transition. The main method of the investigation is historical institutionalism. This research method provides a necessary result. The investigation based on data from the Foreign policy archive of the Russian Federation and publications in Hungarian and Russian newspapers. There are foreign and Russian research papers on the question. Scientists from different fields develop this issue. For carrying out the purpose of investigation offer typology of Russian regions regarding to their external relations, indicate the possible definitions of the key terminology of international activities of Russian regions and is a brief overview of the establishment of Russian-Hungarian relations on a new base in the late Soviet and early post-Soviet periods. It should be noted that the model of interaction between the Komi Republic and Hungary is typical of many of the basic parameters for international activities of Russian regions in the chronological framework. In conclusion the paper reads that to the medium of the 1990s came a partnership type of relationship between Сentre and Komi concerning Komi-Hungarian cooperation. This fact proves the possibility of the positive role of asymmetric international relations of sub-state actors, including the period of democratic transition.
The article examines the political potential of the Ukrainian ethnic lobby in US foreign policy. Proceeding from the fact that ethnic lobbies in the US are able to overcome the institutional system of checks and balances, the authors try to establish the extent and limits of the influence of the Ukrainian lobby.
The given lobby is based on a small-numbered Ukrainian diaspora in the US, which was formed as a result of four waves of migration from the territory of modern Ukraine, due to various reasons. As a result, the Ukrainian diaspora in the United States has developed as a highly heterogeneous and multi-layered community. The main organization of the Ukrainian diaspora is the Ukrainian Committee of the Congress of America, which is an umbrella structure for organizations of economic, cultural and political profile, as well as for associations of veterans, women and youth. The Ukrainian diaspora in the US uses the following tools for political purposes. First, the diaspora organizations strive to encourage the activities of their low- and middle-ranking civil servants to form an optimal agenda. Diaspora immigrants from experts and media persons are connected to this process. Secondly, the Ukrainian diaspora has established cooperation with other Eastern European diasporas. The cooperation allows the Ukrainian Americans to use electoral potential in the states of the Northwest and Midwest of the United States and to take joint initiatives in communication with the Congress. Together, Eastern European diasporas have some influence on the American foreign policy process when it comes to the Congress, but the scope of influence should not be exaggerated. However, the demand for anti-Russian arguments is formed within the American establishment, that brings the agenda of the Ukrainian diaspora to the forefront of foreign policy debate. This allows us to conclude that the potential for political influence of the Ukrainian ethnic lobby in the United States is limited without a suitable international context.
The article represents a consistent study of historical and of current political presence of the Holy See in the territory of Palestine and Israel as well as of Vatican’s position on some problematic issues in the region from the perspective of the state’s foreign policy priorities. Special attention is paid to the Vatican’s stance on the US actions regarding the relocation of the Embassy in Israel to Jerusalem and the impact of these events on the Vatican-American and Vatican-Israeli relations. The study is of relevance as the understanding of the abovementioned issues can be useful in finding non-standard and network formats of conflict resolution. Moreover, the analysis of the scientific discourse revealed that Russian researchers do not pay enough attention to activity of the Holy See on the international arena. Thus, the article is to fill the abovementioned gap in the scientific discourse, being the first comprehensive study of the Holy See’s presence in the region. The authors conclude that Vatican’s interest in the Holy Land intensified after the First World War. At the same time most activities were suspended during the Second World War. The policy of the Holy See towards the region has undergone changes since the Second Vatican Council. The article states that the Vatican conducts gradual, but ambiguous policy towards the countries in the Middle East, focusing on the protection of the Christian population. The article also examines the reaction of the Holy See to US relocating the Embassy to Jerusalem, stating negative attitude of the Holy See towards the United States.
BOOK REVIEWS
Book review: Mills, W.B. Treacherous passage: Germany’s secret plot against the United States in Mexico during World War I Lincoln: Potomac Books, 2017. 226 р.
The reviewed book is the study by the historian of W.B. Mills from the University of Nebraska Lincoln, who devoted to the study of the still little-studied question of the international relations during the Great War. Thanks to the present available archival sources in Europe and America, the author of the book restored the history of the confrontation between the secret services of Germany and the United States in Mexico, aimed at obtaining a military advantage in the European war. The main story is the description of two wartime episodes involving Mexican ships, which were fought for by diplomatic and trade representatives, as well as by German intelligence agencies, to use them as fuel tankers of German submarines engaged in Sea raiding in the Pacific Ocean and the Caribbean Sea. Besides, the author introduces the reader about the activities of the Germans to organize bases for their submarines near the coast of Mexico, training in its territory in the camps of German mercenaries and planning for a joint invasion with Mexicans into the United States.
Book review: Andrey Baklanov, The Pyramid of Nasser. President and his time. Мjscow: MBA Publishing house, 2017. 196 p.
ISSN 2541-9099 (Online)