No 5(50) (2016)
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RESEARCH ARTICLES
7-19 2156
Abstract
The article deals with the evolution of Western theories of international relations in the postSoviet Russia, it analyzes the world view of Russian international scholars, as well as their reflection on the epistemological foundations of the probable Russian IR school. It states that pluralization of theoretical approaches continues in Russia, while liberalism is gradually givingup to realism on the way to the dominant theory. Constructivism is gaining popularity and postmodernism remains without followers. Russian international studies are structured by a long-standing debate about the identity of Russia. "Westerners" continue to argue with "Slavophiles."Sometimes these arguments translate into a cry for building independent national school of international relations, thereby exacerbating the problem of epistemological relativism. The bases for the school may be found in Russian spiritual philosophy, the Tartu-Moscow school of semiotics, Russian cultural studies, postcolonial tradition of national historical science.
20-33 1316
Abstract
The article draws a comparison between Russian official and expert foreign policy discourses, focusing on representations of the power balance and relations between major states as the defining features of international system. The author attempts to identify actual and potential contribution of academics in the Russian foreign policy thinking. Conceptual documents and programme statements of national leadership elevate the notion of 'polycentric world' as a value in itself, which guides national actions on international arena. Although, until the late 2000s its rise was perceived as a welcome, but remote prospect, since the U.S. failures in Iraq and Afghanistan as well as global financial crisis expectations regarding it construction increased. They are accompanied, however, by a more critical appraisal of the concept. The mainstream Russian expert community shares normative appreciation of the polycentric global system as an intrinsic good. It also nourishes expectations of its emergence with almost inevitable certainty. Most of the time, it does not take into account concerns incorporated in the Western IR theories, regarding destabilizing effect of competition between multiple centers of power. The article demonstrates that both Russian political leadership and expert community perceive polycentric system as an international 'great power concert', which is just one and relatively rare form of it. It requires not only virtual parity in capabilities of several players, but also the lack of serious disputes among them. Meanwhile, in the Russia academic community there is a place for a critical tradition, which associates current decentralization of the international system with its chaotization and weakening governance. In recent years this approach gains additional prominence. However, the Russian debates on global order lacks more elaborated discussion regarding sources of power in international system as well as explanation of the binding ties, which would facilitate creation of concert rather than competition among emerging powers.
34-47 2825
Abstract
The article "Problem of world order in modern Western studies" is the study of one of the most debated issues in the science of international relations - world order. Discussion of the structure of world order is underway in various countries, both at the state level and in the expert community. Some researchers insist on the fact that after the end of the cold war, the collapse of the bipolar model of international relations, the world has become unipolar. Others argue that the increase in the number of centers of power and the need for a multilateral approach to solving global problems (terrorism, proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, environmental and climate issues) talking about the formation of multipolarity. However, it should be recognized that currently no widely accepted theoretical and conceptual apparatus, which complicates not only the study of the world order, but makes it impossible to search for common approaches of the international community in solving the problems associated with global development, new challenges and threats. The author of this article seeks to research and analyze the various theoretical paradigms (neo-realism, neo-liberalism, institutionalism, neo-marxism, etc.) and concepts to form a coherent picture of the structure of the world system, its main features and to offer readers the vision of the concept of "world order". Thus, the article notes that the multidimensional structure of the modern system of international relations established after the end of the cold war is so complex that none of the concepts can claim to accurate interpretation of the world order. The modern system differs from systems of the past centuries. Characteristics inherent in it (on the one hand, the increasing global processes in economy, politics, culture, etc., on the other, the attraction to return to the concept of "nation state", the closure of borders, the disintegration), require new approaches to the study of world order, factors of its formation and its components. The world system is dynamic and none of the previously existing concepts of world order are not able to accurately describe the processes occurring in the world today. For example, a bipolar model is formed based on the principle of "balance of power", a unipolar system exists on the basis of the dictates of the powers, and a multipolar - subject to the availability of the political equilibrium. It becomes obvious that the constantly changing conditions in the global arena require a whole new approach to the formation of a genuine world order. While each country will be guided by their own ideas of the world development plan focused on their interests, often in conflict with the global balance of power, to speak of a stable, efficient, safe development is impossible.
48-62 1708
Abstract
Article analyses formation and development of the conflict studies in Russia as a sub-discipline within political sciences, on the edge between political theory and studies of international relations and international security. Article defines stages of formation of conflict studies in Russia, analyzes social request for studies of conflicts, considers influence of foreign and international institutes and research, both form the CIS and from other foreign countries, onto the conflict studies in Russia. Author postulates turning of the "New Political Thinking"paradigm elaborated by Gorbachev that allowed reconsidering Moscow's attitude towards various conflicts and rethinking of theoretical principles of conflict analysis, that are not anymore limited to class struggle and ideological contradictions. Introduction of more pluralistic concepts of "socio-political model" and "world order" instead of Marxist category of "socio-economic formation" led to remodeling of international relations along new lines, as well as study contradictions within one social system. Splash of inter-ethnic and separatist conflicts in the first half of the 1990s led to shaping of "practically oriented conflict studies" reflecting political interests of conflict sides in conflicts in Karabakh, Georgia/Abkhazia, Georgia/South Ossetia, Moldova/Transnistria. On the eve of 1990s-2000s formation of theoretical systemic conflict studies as a discipline took place, and this discipline was already quite strongly interfaced with international and foreign conflict studies theory. Article considers role of various institutes of the Russian Academy of Science, research centers including Russian Council on International Affairs, Council on Foreign and Defense Policy? Russian Pugwash Committee, Center for Political and International studies, Moscow Carnegie Center, Russian institute for Strategic Studies, Institute for the USA and Canada Studies, etc. As a separate direction of studies article tackles studies of post-soviet conflicts by foreign institutes and centers, like UNIDIR (Geneva), SIPRI (Stockholm), EU ISS (Paris), British Royal institute of International Affairs. Interaction of Russian and Swiss scientists on the basis of Geneva-based GCSP and DCAF attracts special attention. In conclusion typical issues in focus, as well as theme fields of the Russian conflict studies as a sub-discipline within political sciences are formulated.
63-69 1725
Abstract
Dynamic development of international processes at the regional level, various trajectories of regionalization in Europe, Asia, Latin America and other parts of the world created a complex and multidimensional picture of the contemporary international relations. However Social Sciences and IR retained a distinct eurocentrism. This eurocentrism only partly meant that students of IR did not take into account non-European or non-Western realities. Thus, a German Scholar J. Vullers from German Institute of Global and Area Studies analyzing in 2014 three leading International Relations journals (International Organization, World Politics, European Journal of International Relations) diagnosed a serious geographic imbalance in the international studies, which meant a very limited number of articles based on the nonWestern empirical data.Even with such geographic imbalance in IR studies more important for preserving eurocentrism there was the absence of non-Western IR theories or IR theories originating from non-Western political context. The collective monograph edited by Barry Buzan and Amitav Acharya focused exactly on this problem. The title of the book was provocatively asking why there is no non-Western IR theory. Thus, the book in question provoked a lively academic debate on the topic. Russia was not covered in this book. Therefore, this very fact gives one some reasons to reflect on how Russian research in the field may face a double challenge of a changing international environment and an inappropriate level of its intellectual assessment. Against this background this article analyzes World Regional Studies, a research framework and discipline, which is rapidly developing in Russia and may to some extent contribute to a more correct understanding of the international processes.
70-78 753
Abstract
The article is devoted to the analysis of the key concepts used in the undergraduate and graduate courses on the post-Soviet region, of the link between these concepts and the official rhetoric based on the foreign policy documents. Major research questions of the article are: how is the international political region on the ex-Soviet space is called? Are there any subregions in this region? Is more attention paid to the analysis of regional organizations compared to the analysis of national specificities or bilateral and multilateral relations not related to regional institutions? Does the structure of the Russian courses correspond to the structure of courses taught at Western universities? The results of the analysis demonstrate that the structure of the academic courses and, partially, of the PhD dissertations on economic and political processes on the post-Soviet space correspond to the priorities in the Russian official documents: for instance, the same terminology is used to describe the whole international political region (the post-Soviet space) and subregions (Central Asia and Caucasus); more priority is given to the analysis of institutionalized cooperation in the framework of international organizations (first of all, the CIS); the role of Russia in the region, its interests and its participation in regional processes are usually understudied, or is absent from the academic courses. The analysis showed that currently there are no so many textbooks on the post-Soviet space, despite the fact that the course "Economic and political processes in the CIS" is included in the basic part of the Professional cycle of the Federal State Educational Standard on the International Relations. However, it should be noted that in the federal educational standards the content of the courses is not specified, that is why universities have an opportunity to create their original content, even if the title of the course is pre-determined.
79-85 1434
Abstract
Ofer Fridman holds the degrees of BA (Military History and Security Studies) from Hebrew University, MA (Counter-Terror and Homeland Security) from Interdisciplinary Center Herzliya and PhD (Political Science, supervised by Prof. Beatrice Heuser) from University of Reading. He is a Sessional Lecture at the University of Reading and was a Visiting Research Fellow and Visiting Lecturer at the Moscow State Institute of International Relations (MGIMO) in 2014. Ofer joined the War Studies Department at King's to conduct a research project that focuses on the politicisation of'Hybrid Warfare'. During his visit of Moscow to conduct a quantitative research of Russian military research publications "MGIMO Review of International Relations" took the following interview from him.
86-93 772
Abstract
Eventual socio-political conditions of the appearance of a partisan are considered. It is shown that the appearance of the partisan becomes possible when the socio-political uncertainty in the state and social anomie in society caused serious set into question the legitimacy of the sovereign. In such circumstances, falling value of public institutions, the rule of law and the rules of the routine, but the role of the individual and adopt independent decisions, in each case, increases. And increasing the area of independent ad hoc decisions. Such conditions arise in the occupied territory, especially in a situation of the continuing war. Besides, here indigenous people without taking any illegal actions, from the point of view of both clashing sovereigns, it is struck in the rights. All this makes a real opportunity to show the political subjectivity of the citizen, even with low social status. The behavior of the occupied population can follow three models: expectations of the solution of the conflict between sovereigns and the subsequent acceptance of its results as due - absolute majority population, the active help to the occupying sovereign for the purpose of the statement new political - the collaborator, active opposition of the occupying authority for the purpose of return former political - the partisan.
94-105 708
Abstract
The author of this article aims to examine the role and place of the Russian Orthodox Church in Russia's transition from the regional state of the Middle Ages to an absolutist state of Modern history. Transformations in states' domestic and foreign policies that took place in Modern history cannot be reduced to a simple set of changes in various spheres of life of states, nations and peoples. By studying the transition from one type of statehood to another one we are dealing with a fundamental transformation of the entire state organism, the state as a cultural phenomenon, with a change in the very notion of what a state is and what its goals, objectives and functions are. The process of transformations in statehood affected all countries of the world including our Motherland. In Russia these changes had their own cultural and historical specificity which was largely formed by religiosity of our people and was rooted in the Orthodox faith. Therefore, the author considered it necessary to raise the question of how the cultural, historical and religious identity of the Russian people could influence the course of reforms in the sphere of the Russian state system in Modern history. The author focuses on the foreign policy of the Russian state built on cultural and religious values in I7th-I8th centuries. This foreign policy is seen as an alternative paradigm of the modern Russia's foreign policy. The author believes that the modern Russian state does not shape its foreign policy on the basis of core values of the Russian world view arising from the religious consciousness of our people. This fact deprives Russia’s foreign policy of unity with cultural and historical tradition of our state and in many respects weakens it. The article provides a possible answer to the question why a tendency to the framing of a foreign policy on the basis of values and religious outlook inherent in the Russian people did not prevail in the foreign policy of the Russian state.
106-114 1212
Abstract
The article deals with the formulation in France in the early twenty-first century of a new kind of diplomacy - science diplomacy. It studies the reasons for this process and its problems. On the one hand, the French foreign policy doctrine presupposes an ability to exercise certain influence on its international partners. However, its goals in this area are reduced to mere survival under conditions dictated by other countries. Modern trends in the world of science, which lead to integration, force to reconsider the attitude towards staff training, to research itself, and to its place and role in politics and diplomacy. However, an achievement of the French political class is an understanding of the main aspects of what is happening. This understanding leads to the search for ways to adapt to the new situation. At the same time, diplomats can operate only with those resources that are available to them. Competition with the US, China and other countries for scientific personnel and achievements cannot be won by diplomatic means alone, without backing by appropriate legal, economic and other efforts which provide favorable conditions for winning the competition. The main causes of France's unfavorable position in the struggle for an independent science are economic and political. It is they that lead to conditions, which prohibit French scientists to live up to their potential at home.
115-127 798
Abstract
Recent organizational and structural changes have significantly changed the relative importance of research funding mechanisms in Russia. There is a need for understanding the possible effects of changes to Russian science. In this context, particular important to research a foreign experience of research funding. For example in Japan have developed a new approach to research funding. It is important to consider the essence of the new approach to research funding, in the aspect of national characteristics of research policy in Japan. It is also necessary to take into account the specific activities of the research funding institutions. The article highlights the advantages and disadvantages of the traditional mechanisms of research funding in Japan. The author draws parallels between the approaches to research funding by the Japan Society for the Promotion of Science and the Japan Science and Technology Agency. The recent changes in research policy, which led to development of the new funding scheme are described. The new research funding scheme is analyzed. The necessary conditions for effectively functioning of the new research funding scheme are identified. These conditions include adequacy of funding, mobility of research personnel, advanced research infrastructure, high absorption capability of the private sector.
128-135 945
Abstract
The article studies the organization and financing of the Spanish state policy in the field of scientific and technological research and innovation, its institutional basic and the legal and regulatory framework, as well as analyzes the problem of Spanish public opinion on research and work of scientists. The author uses the methods of texts analysis, interviews and expert assessments. First, the author examines the legislative framework of scientific and technical policy of the Kingdom of Spain, the theoretical basis of its development and implementation Then, we study the institutional characteristics of scientific policy in the country, in particular the principal organs of coordination, financing and implementation, including their functional powers. Finally, we investigate the Spanish people perception of the science as a whole, the introduction of new technologies and the sources of material support to scientific research. In conclusion, the past 10years have seen active steps of the Spanish authorities improve the legislation in the field of science in order to ensure the effective implementation of innovation and enhance the overall competitiveness of the country in the international arena. An important finding was also positive changes in the public attitude towards science and the intensification of the dialogue between the scientific community and the public.
136-144 1131
Abstract
Europe is making significant efforts to create a common space where not only common political institutions and values, but also common future is to be shaped. And it is young people who is selected to be the main policy object for building common European identity. To this end in recent years, the European Union has worked out the institutional mechanisms of its youth policy, has formed special agencies for its implementation, developed legal framework. The main document, which laid the conceptual basis of EU youth policy is the White Paper. The document determines the most challenging issues in youth policy that need to be resolved in the short and long term. The next major document - the European Youth Pact - has become a real legal act which came into force throughout the European Union. The most important document which determines the guidelines of the current EU youth policy is a strategy "Youth - Investing and Empowering." The strategy settles a key vector of European youth policy for all EU countries. All documents take into account the interests of the whole EU and not individual nation states that is why they influence young people at the supranational level. The European Union has developed a full-fledged system of management of youth policy on two levels: the supranational (pan-European) and national. Council of Europe and European Parliament are responsible for the implementation of youth policy at supranational level. Various national agencies are responsible for the implementation of certain EU youth programs at national level. The EU documents on the youth policy show that the youth is viewed by European politicians as one of the most politically important social groups in Europe. That is why youth policy is directed not only at youth development, but has to it a significant political component. A significant part of the youth policy is related to the involvement of young people in the democratic institutions, the involvement of young people in the EU governance.
145-157 856
Abstract
The paper studies world markets of stable and radioactive isotopes. Isotopes have found various applications in science, industry, agriculture and other sectors of the economy, but especially - in medicine. Nuclear medicine is developing intensively all over the world thanks to the success in the treatment of various diseases with the help of radioactive pharmaceuticals (radiopharmaceuticals). The article uses empirical data from a forecast study of the global radiopharmaceuticals market made in 2015 by a research company «Markets and Markets» for the European, North American and global markets. The paper also analyzes the statistical data on the global export and import of natural uranium, enriched and depleted uranium, plutonium, thorium and some stable isotopes of non-medical purposes, presented by a company «Trend economy» in 2014. Despite a unique industrial base for the production of isotopes created in the Soviet Union Russia occupies a modest position on the world market of nuclear medicine except for certain areas. More than 80% of isotopes, produced in USSR were consumed domestically, the export of the stable and radioactive isotopes was in equal proportions. Now the country's domestic radiopharmaceuticals market is poorly developed. To radically change the situation, it is necessary to carry out reforms that stimulate the development of nuclear medicine.
158-166 700
Abstract
The article focuses on the impact of the current crisis on evaluation of risks related to Russian power grid companies by foreign investors as well as on prospects of raising foreign capital. The current situation resulted in a considerable deterioration of investment climate in Russia as well as in aggravation of industry-specific problems. Inflation growth, devaluation of the national currency, GDP decrease, drop in electricity consumption and the crisis in the banking sector negatively impact the investment profile of the country. This leads to increased risk premium for foreign capital investments in any type of Russian assets. At the same time industry-specific problems augmented as well. Those are primarily lack of transparency in regulation, which is subject to constant changes, growth in overdue receivables, limited access to modern technologies. All of the above had a considerable impact on the perception of Russian risks by international investors. A comprehensive approach is needed to improve the investment climate in the country and this would be largely defined by the general macroeconomic development of the Russian Federation and relations with other states. Consistent strategy and integrated actions of the Government and respective Ministries are of particular importance. As for the industry-specific factors, transparent and well-balanced long-term tariff system is the key condition for sustainable improvement of the situation in the sector, according to the major industry participants and leading experts. Thus, the article highlights changes in investor perception of the Russian power grid sector as well as relative impact on the industry development prospects. This analysis is the basis for further elaboration of recommendations regarding easing off of the crisis impact on the power grid companies as well as for assessment of prospects of meeting strategic industry development objectives.
BOOK REVIEWS
167-171 1424
Abstract
The article is in the genre of the review for textbook O. V. Plotnikova and O. Y. Dubrovina International relations of the regions States: characteristics and features (Moscow: Norma; INFRA-M, 2016. 192 p.). Textbook on international activities of sub-state/subnational actors in international relations. Under the sub-state/subnational actors refers to the regions of the States. The authors propose an along with interstate relations (first level) and supranational organizations (second level) to distinguish a third level of international relations - international relations of the regions in Federal and unitary States. The topic is very relevant due to the ongoing restructuring of the architecture of international relations and world politics. In addition, these processes lead to involvement in international relations new actors. The resulting configuration and the role of traditional players. In addition to long-term evolutionary processes, we should not forget about the position of Russia in the last few years. It is obvious that the current tensions around the Russian Federation may not be fully resolved with the old methods. At the same time, sub-state/ subnational actors as subjects of a combined nature, the role played by regions of the Russian Federation, able to combine harmoniously in its international activities as the techniques characteristic of the traditional actors - States and developments in the tools of non-traditional actors - international non-governmental and non-profit organizations etc. As a result of positive results can be achieved faster and at the interstate level. The review considers the subject and the relevance of the topic, presents the analysis of the content of the work. Marked strengths of the textbook, including those associated with the consideration of the diagonal ties and the political components in the international activities of the regions. In addition to the advantages, attention is paid to the analysis of controversial moments. Some authors benefits seem too rigid or insufficiently substantiated. Noted and some defects. The conclusion about the serious significance of this educational publication is not only for a student audience, but also for practitioners.
ISSN 2071-8160 (Print)
ISSN 2541-9099 (Online)
ISSN 2541-9099 (Online)