The article studies the cooperation between the Russian Foreign Ministry and the State Duma during the First World War. A hundred years ago, the Russian parliament made the first real steps in democratization of public administration. MPs to the best of their ability and within the limits of the emperor’s powers sought to modernize the outdated system of monarchical rule. They were pushed by the tragic conditions of the First World War in which Russia was plunged by the royal family. The February Revolution of 1917 breathed new strength into the political struggle unfolding in Russia, it forced many conservative oriented public administrators to support the efforts of the MPs to establish a republican form of government.
The article links the tragic historical past of Czechoslovakia, which paid its price for the rejection of sovereignty as a result of its elite’s national policy, with the current political discourse around globalization and national interests, the influence of external forces on the policies of dependent states, and often the negative consequences of this influence.
The article explores the changes in the mutual perceptions between the FRG and the USSR from mid-60s through early 70s of the 20th century, which became a precondition for the détente in their relationship. It is based largely on the analysis of the documents stored in the Archive of the Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation and recently released for the researchers. The author highlights the initiatives by Willy Brandt as a Foreign Minister in 1966–1969 and subsequently as a Federal Chancellor in breaking the deadlock in Bonn’s foreign policy created by his predecessors.
The article analyzes the problem and the process of securitization in the context of interconnection between security and development implicated in the concept of sustainable development. The concept combines in a single system the security and change (progressive development) of civilization and preservation of the environment. Sustainable development in the broadest sense is seen by the author as the safest type of evolution, which reduces to an acceptable level any negative effects on civilization and the biosphere for the purpose of their conservation and co-evolution.
The article examines the new U.S. administration’s outlook on arms control, analyses the existing problems in this field and possible ways for their resolution, compares Donald Trump’s statements on military and political issues with the president’s first steps in this area, and offers forecasts and recommendations on the prospects for U.S.-Russia cooperation in arms limitations and reductions. The author proceeds from the assumption that arms control is a key component in measures to ensure international security. Even if the current tense U.S.-Russian relations provide little room for maneuver and the internal political struggle in DC sets limits on the possible bilateral measures, Moscow should nevertheless take initiative in putting forward a set of proposals to reduce weapons, especially in the very sensitive and risk-prone nuclear field.
At the present stage Germany seeks to increase its influence at the international arena and plays active role in the solution of the problems in the sphere of inter-national security. In this regard Germany uses a wide range of foreign policy tools, some of them are military. The Bundeswehr becomes the armed forces which are intended for the usage at the global level and for the solution a large range of tasks, including ones which are atypical for the period of the «cold war». The reform of the Bundeswehr led to its real division of German armed forces into two components.
This article demonstrates that ethnicity itself didn’t play a significant role to cause conflicts in Osh in 1990 and 2010, but was rather a side effect or a catalyst produced inevitably by political struggle in the country.
The Osh conflict in 1990 occurred at the weakening of the USSR's institutional control and decreasing material support from the center. Kyrgyzstan being the major recipient of both indirect and direct subsidies from the USSR suffered a severe economic depression because subsidies were cut or substantially reduced. Moreover, the sudden disintegration of production and trade relations further exacerbated the economic situation in Kyrgyzstan.
The article examines the correlation of two concepts: «soft power» and «propaganda» in International Relations. The author argues that within realism these concepts are used synonymously, but within neoliberalism they have fundamental differences. The parameters of comparison of the neoliberal and realistic approaches are given with reference to the concept of soft power. It is noted that, despite the differences between these approaches and between the concepts of hard power and soft power, the opposition of the concepts is not an absolute one. S
Public diplomacy has become a common attribute of the global political life since the early 21 century. The interest for the public diplomacy is also evident among the EEU countries. Nevertheless, the question of the public diplomacy resource savailable for the integrating post-Soviet states and their usage remains open. The practice of the Union State of Russia and Belarus (USRB) is characterized by a wide range of public initiatives to increase the public attractiveness of the bilateral integration project.
The article analyzes resources of political influence on the foreign policy of the country of residence that Polish diaspora in the United States possesses. This analysis is useful for two reasons. Firstly, it will expand the focus of research in the study of pressure groups and their influence on the American foreign policy. Secondly, the Polish diaspora in the United States is rarely the object of research in migrant and ethnic lobbying, despite its the significant share of the country’s population.