The concept of uneven and combined development where the interconnectedness and interactions of different societies shape and combine with their internal structures to drive the evolution of comparative development and power is used to examine the drivers of successive phase of global development in the 100 years since 1917. This concept was coined by left-wing theorist and the Soviet Communist party leader Leo Trotsky with the aim of explaining peculiarities of imperial Russia’s development.
Using original documents from the Russian State Military Historical Archive, many of which are introduced for the first time, the author reveals details of creation and activities of the Serbian Volunteer Corps formed from captured soldiers and officers of the Austro-Hungarian army in Odessa in the Summer 1916. The same autumn it received a baptism of fire in Dobruja fighting in the separate corps of the Russian army under the command of General Zayonchkovsky. The research interest in studying the activities of “national” and "international" military units within the Russian army is connected with the question of expediency and effectiveness of using such forces against those for whom they have not so long ago shed blood.
In the year of 100th anniversary of the October Revolution, the author turns to the question of the Soviet heritage influence on nation- and state-building processes in three countries of the South Caucasus – Azerbaijan, Armenia and Georgia. The article postulates clear differences between the study of postcolonialism and the post-Soviet space, and therefore the author presents his own operationalization of the "imperial heritage" study.
The article deals the phenomenon of trilateralism – the term used to describe relations between the United States of America, Japan and Western Europe. The article presents an overview of factors that encourage closer ties between the regions as well as an analysis of trends that may potentially cause the collapse of the trilateral format.
The international actorness of the European Union is an object of prolonged scholarly and political debates. As an association of states with both complementary and competing interests it faces the problem of collective action. The EU elaborated several mechanisms to mitigate it effect, which, however, do not necessarily avail it to conduct a coherent policy towards other major powers. The current article demonstrates that when it comes to defending European interests in the world arena, Brussels faces a range of challenges even in the most developed spheres of the integration process, such as international economic cooperation.
In the post-bipolar world nuclear power has become one of the areas of competition and rivalry between Russia and the West. The comprehensive analysis of theoretical publications allows us to consider international competition as an abstract, depoliticized contest of states and other international actors (including companies) for some limited (mainly economic) benefits. International rivalry is more a political process, necessarily involving some rival pairs of states (or groups of states) that compete with each other not only to get some benefits, but to expand their territory or power.
The article deals with the policies of EU countries towards coal power plants as well as practical steps taken by their governments. Coal power plants are widely considered to be environmentally harmful which confronts with environmental policies of the EU suggesting Europe-wide cuts of greenhouse gas emissions. Based on that assumption a number of EU countries such as Belgium, Austria, Portugal, Dania, Finland, Sweden and UK are striving to phase out coal power plants and achieved significant progress on this path replacing coal with other generation sources.
This article examines the tools that the EU in interactions with third countries in the field of STI uses. The EU is a pioneer in the use of science and technology in the international arena, the creation of strategic bilateral agreements on science and technology and the conduct of political dialogues at the highest political level (at the country and regional levels). The EU actively uses its foreign policy instruments of influence, including the provision of access to its framework programs to researchers from third countries, as well as scientific diplomacy.
The article is devoted to the issue of the Flemish separatism, including autonomism and independism (the latter aiming at the creation of own power center), and how it is reflected in the programs of the Flemish right-wing populist parties. The author presents a brief history of the phenomenon; Flemish separatism is seen in the context of the European integration and in comparison with other separatist movements. Having been articulated politically in 1990s, Flemish separatism is now an inherent part of the right-wing populist party programs: of the Flemish Bloc program (since 2004 it is Flemish Interest) as an independence appeal, and of the New Flemish Alliance program as a call for further state reforming, aiming at the creation of a confederative system.